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Hey guys, I am presently engaged in a study re: hearth-goddesses, and have been struck by the amazing cultic similarities between IE countries with those in Siberia, Mongolia, and China, etc.! Many themes occur in these "eastern" and shamanic lands that also occur in the IE countries. Among these are the tending of the hearth-deity by a virgin; the annual extinquishing and renewal of the flame (universally with a fire-drill culled from an especial source of wood); the head Mistress of the home usually tends the hearth spirit; a token flame of the hearth is employed to re-kindle a new hearth when the clan or family moves to a new location; and a new bride is usually introduced to the hearth-spirit of her new family; while the ability of fire to be the provence of purity itself seems near-universal, as well, perhaps to the extent of the family line, I wonder (What other reasons could there be?), etc. Another theme I see is regarding the opening of seasonal portals--for example February opens the seasonal portal of Spring in China, Rome (according to one source), Lithuania, and Ireland, for example. I have found other analogous evidence for some of the other Irish-Gaelic celebrational dates/seasonal portals. So, I was wondering is lines of transmission might be clearly drawn in any of this data into IE cultures? Another thought that occured to me re: the virginal attendees of the hearth is this: I wonder if their impetus is, in actuality, associated with their womb as a sort of force of untapped potential in carrying on the family line/genes, etc.? Many hearth spirits seems associated with the family seat in this way. Here are some of the Asiatic and shamanic hearth-goddesses that I have culled, so far. What do you think? Also bear in mind that I have even found male hearth-gods that fit some of these themes, as well; so, they are not confined to goddesses. Honestly, I'm surprised that I've never come across any literature (academic or otherwise) that deals with this subject in any depth!
Among the Sakha (or Yakut) communities of Siberia, it is standard to introduce a new bride to the family "hearth spirit" (yot ichchite), at which point offerings of food were made by her. [1] (I have notbeen able to discern the gender of this hearth-spirit, yet.)
BOKAM is the feminized hearth-flame worshipped by the shamanic Ket tribe of Siberia; they dominate the lower basin of the holy Yenisei River in Russia's Krasnoyarsk Krai district. Imagined as a beautiful woman; Bokam is thought to guard both hearth and home. Mealtime offerings were made to the goddess, usually with small portions of meat and tea. Her name translates as "Fire-Mother"; and, as a consequence of her gender, she bears certain connotations with clan lineage. Moreover, when Bokam was addressed, it was with the same due respect given one's grandmother. When the Ket people migrated to a new encampment, the hearth was carried with them in a special box in order to re-kindle their ancestral flame.[2]
FUCHI or Huchi probably means "Fire". She is a kamui [goddess] of the hearth worshipped by the Ainu aborigines of Japan; and according to one account of her mythic origins she was borne from the spark kindled by a fire drill. As a hearth-goddess it is believed that she functions as an intermediary between the gods and humankind; while, one's ancestors are thought to pass into the Ainu underworld through the hearth-flame. Being the Mistress who oversees domestic affairs, the purity of the hearth is paramount so as to avoid angering the goddess. Consequently her sacred fire must never be intentionally extinguished.[3] The Ainu believe that the goddess resides within the hearth (a rectangular space located at the center of each home, or chise), from where she extends her blessings upon each clan member.[4] She may be associated with Fuji.[5]
FUJI / Fujiyama / Sengen-Sama The Japanese hearth-goddess of the native Ainu people, and personification of Mt. Fuji (an extinct volcano), the apex on which her sanctuary was constructed. Due to the predisposition of the Ainu people towards an indigenous form of shamanism, this mountain may have been regarded as an axis mundi serving to unite the "heavenly" world of the gods with the "Underworld" presided over by one's ancestors.[6] This is a demonstrably pan-global religious theme probably dating to the Neolithic period or earlier.[7] Throughout the summer calends it is common for parishioners to climb Mt. Fuji in order to pay homage to the rising sun, while women were once excluded from such sacred processions in the view that they were impure—this social tabu is no longer recognized. However, sometime between the fourteenth- and sixteenth-century CE Fuji was eventually superseded as the dominant spirit of the mountain, being displaced by a goddess from Japanese folk-religion named Konohana Sakuya Hime ["The Goddess of Flowering Trees"] who was believed to keep the volcano from erupting. Fujiyama's name means "grandmother" or "ancestress", indicating that she may have been a deified tribal elder; however, it has also been suggested that her epithet is derived from that of the goddess, Fuchi.[8]
Fuji may also be a goddess connected with native game animals, particularly the bear. After a successful hunt, when a wild bear was killed, its carcass was brought into the home of an Ainu tribesman and positioned next to the central hearth (which she is thought to guard) where this deified animal would engage in a ceremonial conversion with the goddess, discussing their common home—the sacred mountain. The next day the creature was flayed and cooked, with generous offerings being made to its skull. After the observance of these honorary customs the spirit of the bear is then asked to return to his forest-home on Mt. Fuji.[9]
GHALAKHAN EKE was originally a Mongolian fire-goddess. She enjoys worship on one of the last day of the years where a sheep's breast bone was offered to her; as well as at weddings; the summer solstice, when libations were poured out to her; and at spring requesting that camels be blessed. Her name means "Fire-Queen Mother". Ghalakhan Eke came into existence when the gods of Heaven and the Earth, as well as those of the mountains, animals and trees were, as of yet, in a primordeal state. Her cult seems to underscore genealogical continuity and the family, because she is frequently invoked for fine sons, daughters, brides, and sons-in-law. Butter (ghee) is also offered to her, as with other hearth-cults, such as that of Agni in India. The Mongolian hearth-deity is now generally conceived of as masculine.[10] The Mongolian hearth-cult enjoys many Indo-Iranian parallels.
GHOLUMTA EKE ["Hearth-Mother"] is another identity of the Mongolian hearth-goddess.[11]
HINUKAN is a hearth-goddess worshipped throughout Okinawa, Japan; she ensures the safety of each household. Her rites are conducted by the eldest female residing in the home. However, it is not deemed customary for men to pray at her hearth, probably because males have never been associated with religious authority in this region of Japan. Hinukan is esteemed as the mediator between the gods and mankind. The cultic hearth was constructed—in times past—with three stones that were placed inside a box, upon a layer of ash, and then positioned next to an oil lamp; but, today, a ceramic censer (kouro) is employed to petition the hearth-deity. According to tradition, when the matriarch of the home dies, her successor destroys the censor and establishes a new one in honor of the fire-goddess.[12]
Of course, women have always held an honorary position within Okinawan religious life in the belief that they are spiritually superior to men—they are the natural intercessors between mankind and the supernatural. Household rites associated with the hearth are usually commenced on the 1st and 15th of each month where the senior female prays to Hinukan, reporting the activities of those living within the home; the hearth-goddess then relays this message back to the higher gods. Thanks and requests are then made, often with prayers offered to the flame of the hearth inscribed onto pieces of wood or paper. At an earlier age in Japanese history it was thought that each household chose a virginal daughter to guard the hearth flame from being extinguished.[13] Her name means "Fire Deity".
HWEI-LU or Wei was originally a Chinese fire-goddess, but gradually came to be recognized as the spirit of the hearth (or Tsao shin) during the end of the seventh-century BCE. The caretaker of an ancestral temple at Lu is thought to have first worshipped her in this guise, sacrificing to the goddess with firewood that he had set ablaze. Her cult assumed a role of only marginal importance within native folk-religion for the next five-hundred years, until the early second-century, when an Emperor from the Han dynasty officially adopted Hwei-lu as a member of the imperial-cult; hitherto the late nineteenth-century CE, however, the presiding spirit of the hearth has come to be regarded as one of the most preeminent deities of China. The goddess was commonly imagined as a beautiful woman dressed in red; while, during the late third-century, Emperor Kao-tsu, decreed her to be First Cook (Sien tch'vei)—an epithet of apparent importance within the region of Tsin—regardless of the fact that an alternative epithet, Spirit of the Furnace (Tsuan shin), was regarded with equal importance at that time. It was during this century that her gender was re-defined, and her identity as the male kitchen-god firmly established. But, Chinese folk-religion is diverse in many ways, depending upon one's clan or tribe. As a result, some households are known to revere both a hearth-goddess and a hearth-god, known by local titles. For example, in the district of Fuhtchou, the Prince of the Hearth (Chau Kung) was worshipped alongside the Mother of the Hearth (Chau Ma) as a divine pair. During the late seventh-century BCE, it was decreed that all hearths throughout China must be extinguished for three days preceding the vernal equinox in order that they might be annually renewed; during this period, all food must be eaten raw. This edict was established by the Marquess Wen, husband to Ke-Wei (a chieftain's daughter), after whom the goddess came to be euhemerized as Wei. The impetus for this annual custom was the primitive notion that fire was a substance of purification. As a result, at each seasonal portal, large state bonfires were kindled in order to ward off any evil influences and misfortune from the approaching quarter. Especial kindling was also chosen for these ceremonies.[14]
UT is the chief goddess of the Mongolian people—the spirit of fire—and resides in the domestic hearth, located in the center of each yurt. It was she who ensured the safety of each household, and bequeathed to those who respected her with happiness and wealth.
Valuing her societal tabus, and keeping her hearth clean generally assured this.[15] The Mongolian domicile was essentially a microcosm of the Universe, surrounded by the native zodiac, with the hearth burning at its center.[16]
Fire was endowed with the ability to purify; and the hearth was naturally thought to confer not only light, but would render one's home a virtuous space. As a result, fire was employed to make inanimate objects, persons and animals "clean" either by holding a flame over that which is to be cleansed, walking between two flames, or carrying an item over a low fire. If a person was to die, having a torch carried around their remains, or their possessions, was thought to ritually purify them and their objects. This belief denoting fire as the provenance of purity was also extended to any foreign dignitaries who were asked to walk between two fires before approaching the Mongol court, in the view that it would neutralize any desire for adversarial behavior. Ut was presented with daily mealtime offerings of oil, wine, or fat because these items would enhance the hearth's flame. However, any individual struck down with a sickness or serious injury was thought to have offended the goddess by violating one of her sacred prohibitions. Among these tabus, it was not deemed acceptable to cast any offering onto the hearth that might produce a foul scent; nor was one permitted to step directly over the hearth, or brandish a sharp weapon in its general direction. But, spitting on the hearth or pouring water onto it was considered the most grievous of "sins"—both gestures clearly intended to threaten or vanquish the goddess.[17] However, these prohibitions might also ensure proper respect for one's ancestral line and genealogical continuity. Proper reverence for the hearth-flame was especially important due largely to the belief that, to "extinguish one's hearth-fire" implied killing an individual, or his entire family (though, sometimes both).[18] In Mongolian tribal society the hearth is connected with the youngest son of each yurt, who is believed to inherit the tribal homeland and his ancestral hearth, while older sons are required to found a new residence.[19] Ut's name is derived from the archaic Turkic noun ot, meaning flame or fire.
[1] Ramet, Sabrina P. [1993]. Religious Policy in the Soviet Union. Cambridge University Press: pp. 239.
[2] Bianchi, Ugo, C. J. Bleeker and A. Bausani [1972]. Problems and Methods of the History of Religions. BRILL: pp. 186.
[3] Ashkenazy, Michael [2003]. A Handbook of Japanese Mythology. ABC-Clio: pp. 191-192.
[4] Smithsonian: National Museum of Natural History. The Arctic Studies Center. Ainu: Spirit of a Northern People. " Chise: The Ainu House, Room 4 Overview". <www.mnh.si.edu/arctic/ain...oom04.html> [Last Accessed: 15 August, 2008]
[5] University of St. Francis. "Mount Fuji". <www.stfrancis.edu/ns/bromer...Joe%20and%
20Bettylou/Mount%20Fuji.html> [Last Accessed: 31 March, 2007]
[6] Blacker, Carmen [1975]. "Two Kinds of Japanese Shamans: The Medium and the Ascetic" in J. Narby & F. Huxley [eds.], Shamans Through Time: 500 Years On The Path to Knowledge. Tarcher/Penguin: pp. 210; Eliade, Mecea [1964]. Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy. Bollingen Series LXXVI. Princeton University Press: pp. 266-69.
[7] On this theme see: Lewis-Willians, David & David Pearce [2005]. Inside The Neolithic Mind: Consciousness, Cosmos and the Realms of the Gods. Thames & Hudson.
[8] University of St. Francis. "Mount Fuji", Ibid.
[9] Campbell, Joseph [1959]. The Masks of God: Primitive Mythology, Vol. 1. Penguin Compass: pp. 338-9 and 395.
[10] Baldick, Julian [2000]. Animal and Shaman: Ancient Religions of Central Asia. I. B. Tauris: pp. 117.
[11] Ibid.
[12] Okinawa.Com: Religion. "Keys to Okinawan Culture", pub. by the Okinawan Prefectural Government [1992]. <okinawa.com/content/blog.../72/lang,en/> [Last accessed: 4 July, 2007]
[13] Nanzan University. Reichl, Christopher A. "The Okinawan New Religion Ijun: Innovation and Diversity in the Gender of Ritual Specialists". Japanese Journal of Religious Studies. 20.4 (1993). <www.ic.nanzan-u.ac.jp/SHUBUNK...403.pdf> [Last Accessed: 20 August, 2008].
[14] Terrien de Lacouperie, Albert Étienne [1894]. Western Origin of the Early Chinese Civilization from 2,300 B.C. to 200 A.D. Adamant Media: pp. 160-3.
[15] Znamenski, Andrei A. [2003]. Shamanism in Siberia: Russian Records of Indigenous Spirituality. Springer: pp. 68.
[16] The Silver Horde. Mendsaikhan, B. [2006]. "Mongolian Customs". <www.viahistoria.com/SilverHo...oms.html> [Last Accessed: 20 August, 2008].
[17] Shamanism in Siberia, Ibid.
[18] Mcalester College: Anthropology Dept. Mongolian Language Project: "Fire". <www.macalester.edu/anthropo...ire.html> [Last Accessed: 20 August, 2008].
[19] Bulag, Uradyn Erden [1998]. Nationalism and Hybridity in
Mongolia. Oxford University Press: pp. 71.
Among the Sakha (or Yakut) communities of Siberia, it is standard to introduce a new bride to the family "hearth spirit" (yot ichchite), at which point offerings of food were made by her. [1] (I have notbeen able to discern the gender of this hearth-spirit, yet.)
BOKAM is the feminized hearth-flame worshipped by the shamanic Ket tribe of Siberia; they dominate the lower basin of the holy Yenisei River in Russia's Krasnoyarsk Krai district. Imagined as a beautiful woman; Bokam is thought to guard both hearth and home. Mealtime offerings were made to the goddess, usually with small portions of meat and tea. Her name translates as "Fire-Mother"; and, as a consequence of her gender, she bears certain connotations with clan lineage. Moreover, when Bokam was addressed, it was with the same due respect given one's grandmother. When the Ket people migrated to a new encampment, the hearth was carried with them in a special box in order to re-kindle their ancestral flame.[2]
FUCHI or Huchi probably means "Fire". She is a kamui [goddess] of the hearth worshipped by the Ainu aborigines of Japan; and according to one account of her mythic origins she was borne from the spark kindled by a fire drill. As a hearth-goddess it is believed that she functions as an intermediary between the gods and humankind; while, one's ancestors are thought to pass into the Ainu underworld through the hearth-flame. Being the Mistress who oversees domestic affairs, the purity of the hearth is paramount so as to avoid angering the goddess. Consequently her sacred fire must never be intentionally extinguished.[3] The Ainu believe that the goddess resides within the hearth (a rectangular space located at the center of each home, or chise), from where she extends her blessings upon each clan member.[4] She may be associated with Fuji.[5]
FUJI / Fujiyama / Sengen-Sama The Japanese hearth-goddess of the native Ainu people, and personification of Mt. Fuji (an extinct volcano), the apex on which her sanctuary was constructed. Due to the predisposition of the Ainu people towards an indigenous form of shamanism, this mountain may have been regarded as an axis mundi serving to unite the "heavenly" world of the gods with the "Underworld" presided over by one's ancestors.[6] This is a demonstrably pan-global religious theme probably dating to the Neolithic period or earlier.[7] Throughout the summer calends it is common for parishioners to climb Mt. Fuji in order to pay homage to the rising sun, while women were once excluded from such sacred processions in the view that they were impure—this social tabu is no longer recognized. However, sometime between the fourteenth- and sixteenth-century CE Fuji was eventually superseded as the dominant spirit of the mountain, being displaced by a goddess from Japanese folk-religion named Konohana Sakuya Hime ["The Goddess of Flowering Trees"] who was believed to keep the volcano from erupting. Fujiyama's name means "grandmother" or "ancestress", indicating that she may have been a deified tribal elder; however, it has also been suggested that her epithet is derived from that of the goddess, Fuchi.[8]
Fuji may also be a goddess connected with native game animals, particularly the bear. After a successful hunt, when a wild bear was killed, its carcass was brought into the home of an Ainu tribesman and positioned next to the central hearth (which she is thought to guard) where this deified animal would engage in a ceremonial conversion with the goddess, discussing their common home—the sacred mountain. The next day the creature was flayed and cooked, with generous offerings being made to its skull. After the observance of these honorary customs the spirit of the bear is then asked to return to his forest-home on Mt. Fuji.[9]
GHALAKHAN EKE was originally a Mongolian fire-goddess. She enjoys worship on one of the last day of the years where a sheep's breast bone was offered to her; as well as at weddings; the summer solstice, when libations were poured out to her; and at spring requesting that camels be blessed. Her name means "Fire-Queen Mother". Ghalakhan Eke came into existence when the gods of Heaven and the Earth, as well as those of the mountains, animals and trees were, as of yet, in a primordeal state. Her cult seems to underscore genealogical continuity and the family, because she is frequently invoked for fine sons, daughters, brides, and sons-in-law. Butter (ghee) is also offered to her, as with other hearth-cults, such as that of Agni in India. The Mongolian hearth-deity is now generally conceived of as masculine.[10] The Mongolian hearth-cult enjoys many Indo-Iranian parallels.
GHOLUMTA EKE ["Hearth-Mother"] is another identity of the Mongolian hearth-goddess.[11]
HINUKAN is a hearth-goddess worshipped throughout Okinawa, Japan; she ensures the safety of each household. Her rites are conducted by the eldest female residing in the home. However, it is not deemed customary for men to pray at her hearth, probably because males have never been associated with religious authority in this region of Japan. Hinukan is esteemed as the mediator between the gods and mankind. The cultic hearth was constructed—in times past—with three stones that were placed inside a box, upon a layer of ash, and then positioned next to an oil lamp; but, today, a ceramic censer (kouro) is employed to petition the hearth-deity. According to tradition, when the matriarch of the home dies, her successor destroys the censor and establishes a new one in honor of the fire-goddess.[12]
Of course, women have always held an honorary position within Okinawan religious life in the belief that they are spiritually superior to men—they are the natural intercessors between mankind and the supernatural. Household rites associated with the hearth are usually commenced on the 1st and 15th of each month where the senior female prays to Hinukan, reporting the activities of those living within the home; the hearth-goddess then relays this message back to the higher gods. Thanks and requests are then made, often with prayers offered to the flame of the hearth inscribed onto pieces of wood or paper. At an earlier age in Japanese history it was thought that each household chose a virginal daughter to guard the hearth flame from being extinguished.[13] Her name means "Fire Deity".
HWEI-LU or Wei was originally a Chinese fire-goddess, but gradually came to be recognized as the spirit of the hearth (or Tsao shin) during the end of the seventh-century BCE. The caretaker of an ancestral temple at Lu is thought to have first worshipped her in this guise, sacrificing to the goddess with firewood that he had set ablaze. Her cult assumed a role of only marginal importance within native folk-religion for the next five-hundred years, until the early second-century, when an Emperor from the Han dynasty officially adopted Hwei-lu as a member of the imperial-cult; hitherto the late nineteenth-century CE, however, the presiding spirit of the hearth has come to be regarded as one of the most preeminent deities of China. The goddess was commonly imagined as a beautiful woman dressed in red; while, during the late third-century, Emperor Kao-tsu, decreed her to be First Cook (Sien tch'vei)—an epithet of apparent importance within the region of Tsin—regardless of the fact that an alternative epithet, Spirit of the Furnace (Tsuan shin), was regarded with equal importance at that time. It was during this century that her gender was re-defined, and her identity as the male kitchen-god firmly established. But, Chinese folk-religion is diverse in many ways, depending upon one's clan or tribe. As a result, some households are known to revere both a hearth-goddess and a hearth-god, known by local titles. For example, in the district of Fuhtchou, the Prince of the Hearth (Chau Kung) was worshipped alongside the Mother of the Hearth (Chau Ma) as a divine pair. During the late seventh-century BCE, it was decreed that all hearths throughout China must be extinguished for three days preceding the vernal equinox in order that they might be annually renewed; during this period, all food must be eaten raw. This edict was established by the Marquess Wen, husband to Ke-Wei (a chieftain's daughter), after whom the goddess came to be euhemerized as Wei. The impetus for this annual custom was the primitive notion that fire was a substance of purification. As a result, at each seasonal portal, large state bonfires were kindled in order to ward off any evil influences and misfortune from the approaching quarter. Especial kindling was also chosen for these ceremonies.[14]
UT is the chief goddess of the Mongolian people—the spirit of fire—and resides in the domestic hearth, located in the center of each yurt. It was she who ensured the safety of each household, and bequeathed to those who respected her with happiness and wealth.
Valuing her societal tabus, and keeping her hearth clean generally assured this.[15] The Mongolian domicile was essentially a microcosm of the Universe, surrounded by the native zodiac, with the hearth burning at its center.[16]
Fire was endowed with the ability to purify; and the hearth was naturally thought to confer not only light, but would render one's home a virtuous space. As a result, fire was employed to make inanimate objects, persons and animals "clean" either by holding a flame over that which is to be cleansed, walking between two flames, or carrying an item over a low fire. If a person was to die, having a torch carried around their remains, or their possessions, was thought to ritually purify them and their objects. This belief denoting fire as the provenance of purity was also extended to any foreign dignitaries who were asked to walk between two fires before approaching the Mongol court, in the view that it would neutralize any desire for adversarial behavior. Ut was presented with daily mealtime offerings of oil, wine, or fat because these items would enhance the hearth's flame. However, any individual struck down with a sickness or serious injury was thought to have offended the goddess by violating one of her sacred prohibitions. Among these tabus, it was not deemed acceptable to cast any offering onto the hearth that might produce a foul scent; nor was one permitted to step directly over the hearth, or brandish a sharp weapon in its general direction. But, spitting on the hearth or pouring water onto it was considered the most grievous of "sins"—both gestures clearly intended to threaten or vanquish the goddess.[17] However, these prohibitions might also ensure proper respect for one's ancestral line and genealogical continuity. Proper reverence for the hearth-flame was especially important due largely to the belief that, to "extinguish one's hearth-fire" implied killing an individual, or his entire family (though, sometimes both).[18] In Mongolian tribal society the hearth is connected with the youngest son of each yurt, who is believed to inherit the tribal homeland and his ancestral hearth, while older sons are required to found a new residence.[19] Ut's name is derived from the archaic Turkic noun ot, meaning flame or fire.
[1] Ramet, Sabrina P. [1993]. Religious Policy in the Soviet Union. Cambridge University Press: pp. 239.
[2] Bianchi, Ugo, C. J. Bleeker and A. Bausani [1972]. Problems and Methods of the History of Religions. BRILL: pp. 186.
[3] Ashkenazy, Michael [2003]. A Handbook of Japanese Mythology. ABC-Clio: pp. 191-192.
[4] Smithsonian: National Museum of Natural History. The Arctic Studies Center. Ainu: Spirit of a Northern People. " Chise: The Ainu House, Room 4 Overview". <www.mnh.si.edu/arctic/ain...oom04.html> [Last Accessed: 15 August, 2008]
[5] University of St. Francis. "Mount Fuji". <www.stfrancis.edu/ns/bromer...Joe%20and%
20Bettylou/Mount%20Fuji.html> [Last Accessed: 31 March, 2007]
[6] Blacker, Carmen [1975]. "Two Kinds of Japanese Shamans: The Medium and the Ascetic" in J. Narby & F. Huxley [eds.], Shamans Through Time: 500 Years On The Path to Knowledge. Tarcher/Penguin: pp. 210; Eliade, Mecea [1964]. Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy. Bollingen Series LXXVI. Princeton University Press: pp. 266-69.
[7] On this theme see: Lewis-Willians, David & David Pearce [2005]. Inside The Neolithic Mind: Consciousness, Cosmos and the Realms of the Gods. Thames & Hudson.
[8] University of St. Francis. "Mount Fuji", Ibid.
[9] Campbell, Joseph [1959]. The Masks of God: Primitive Mythology, Vol. 1. Penguin Compass: pp. 338-9 and 395.
[10] Baldick, Julian [2000]. Animal and Shaman: Ancient Religions of Central Asia. I. B. Tauris: pp. 117.
[11] Ibid.
[12] Okinawa.Com: Religion. "Keys to Okinawan Culture", pub. by the Okinawan Prefectural Government [1992]. <okinawa.com/content/blog.../72/lang,en/> [Last accessed: 4 July, 2007]
[13] Nanzan University. Reichl, Christopher A. "The Okinawan New Religion Ijun: Innovation and Diversity in the Gender of Ritual Specialists". Japanese Journal of Religious Studies. 20.4 (1993). <www.ic.nanzan-u.ac.jp/SHUBUNK...403.pdf> [Last Accessed: 20 August, 2008].
[14] Terrien de Lacouperie, Albert Étienne [1894]. Western Origin of the Early Chinese Civilization from 2,300 B.C. to 200 A.D. Adamant Media: pp. 160-3.
[15] Znamenski, Andrei A. [2003]. Shamanism in Siberia: Russian Records of Indigenous Spirituality. Springer: pp. 68.
[16] The Silver Horde. Mendsaikhan, B. [2006]. "Mongolian Customs". <www.viahistoria.com/SilverHo...oms.html> [Last Accessed: 20 August, 2008].
[17] Shamanism in Siberia, Ibid.
[18] Mcalester College: Anthropology Dept. Mongolian Language Project: "Fire". <www.macalester.edu/anthropo...ire.html> [Last Accessed: 20 August, 2008].
[19] Bulag, Uradyn Erden [1998]. Nationalism and Hybridity in
Mongolia. Oxford University Press: pp. 71.
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